The trial showed that the Guantanamo detainees charged with terrorist offenses can receive fair trials in civilian courts in New York. The jury was capable of looking at the evidence and picking which offense Ghailani was guilty of and finding him not guilty of the other offenses. The trial, unlike a military tribunal, met minimum due process requirements. The judge excluded a major witness whose testimony had been coerced by torture. In a military trial the coerced testimony would have been admissible and while not reliable would have been used. It would have raised doubts about the validity of the trial and may have resulted in further terrorist attacks against this country in response to what would have been a questionable conviction. But at the same time the judge made a number of decisions favorable to the prosecution which will probably be tested during an appeal. For example he refused to dismiss the charges even though Ghailani was tortured while in government custody. He ruled that even though the bombings occurred in 1998 and Mr. Ghailani was arrested in 2004 in Pakistan the trial met speedy trial standards.

We must remember that the test of the court system is not whether the defendant is convicted or of how many counts he/she is found guilty of but rather whether a fair trial under the Constitution is received. While the ideal is never reached the court showed that a reasonable trial could be conducted. The trial was the first and more tests will come. Certainly the appellate courts will have their say but the court certainly showed that the civilian court can do at least as good of a job as the military tribunals.

The CIA discovered Abebe through a statement given by Ghailani while being kept in a “black site” maintained by the CIA to interrogate detainees. Ghailani’s lawyers say that he was tortured into giving up Abebe’s name. While Judge Kaplan has not made a finding on whether or not torture was involved he said it was clear that Ghailani was coerced into giving up the name. United States courts have long held that evidence received by torture or coercion is inadmissible as evidence. Not only is evidence received as coerced testimony inadmissible but the fruits of such evidence is inadmissible. In other words prosecutors cannot use evidence directly related to coercion or torture. Evidence indirectly received may be admissible. For example if they received evidence of Adebe involvement from two sources, one coerced and the other not it might be admissible. But the only source in this case is the coerced testimony of Ghailani. Thus since Ghailani gave up the name of Abebe as a result of coercion, Abebe’s testimony is a fruit of the illegal interrogation and is inadmissible.

Not only is coerced testimony unreliable but the government should not be rewarded for the use of coercion or torture.

Abebe allegedly gave the dynamite to Ghailani, used in the bombing and his testimony is considered crucial to the government’s case.There is some fear that if the government is unable to convict Ghailani they will no longer use civilian trials to try those like Ghailani who are charged with terrorist crimes and housed at Guantanamo.

But Judge Kaplan said:

“But the Constitution is the rock upon which our nation rests. . . .We must follow it not only when it is convenient, but when fear and danger beckon in a different direction. To do less would diminish us and undermine the foundation upon which we stand.”

However, he also said that even if Ghailani is found innocent he may be detained for the rest of his life as an enemy combatant. But the New York Times cites Ben Wizner, a senior lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union, as saying that the conventional wisdom about the Ghailani case was that the justice system works if he is convicted and fails if he is acquitted.

“But that’s not how we measure the effectiveness of a criminal justice system,” Mr. Wizner said. “The question is whether the government can present its case and whether the defendant can get a fair trial.”

In fact the government may get a better win if Ghailani is found not guilty and released. This would show the world, and particularly the Muslim world, that this is a country of laws and that we only punish the guilty.

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The trial of Mohammed promises to be the biggest trial since the OJ trial. It carries risks and benefits for the United States. The difference between military tribunals and trials in the United States District Court is that a District Court trial must follow all of the rights found in the Bill of Rights, while the defendant’s rights are more limited in a trial before a military tribunal. Specifically the Supreme Court has ruled that testimony obtained by torture or coercion cannot be used in a court but it is permissible before the military tribunals.

Some family members of those who died and conservative Republicans argue that terrorists do not deserve the same rights as American citizens. But by giving terrorist the same rights as we give to others accused of crimes we exhibit our belief in our judicial system and our humanity. What if some of the detainees are innocent. We believe that people are innocent until proven guilty and none of the detainees have been proven guilty in a court of law. Certainly innocent people deserve the full benefit of our laws and the Bill of Rights.

But there are certainly risks involved. It may lead to further terrorist attacks on New York City. They may come on the day set for trial, the day the verdict comes down or on the date of sentencing. While the world may admire our Bill of Rights it will not admire the death penalty if the defendants are convicted. Some may say the death penalty is as barbaric as some of the terrorist acts. Furthermore the government will be rightly blamed for bringing Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri to trial before the tribunal and not in a court of law. The use of testimony obtained through torture will and should be condemned. Furthermore, the use of the death penalty may make the detainees martyrs in many parts of the world and lead to revenge on the United States.

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